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November 01, 2007

What You What You Know 'Bout Me?

Paper Chase HousemanWhat does a law professor look like?  I have often asked this question of myself, especially when confronted with professed disbelief that I could be a legal academic.

“But you don’t look like a law professor!”

At times I too participate in the aesthetic deception, avoiding disclosure of my employment from others.  Discovery of my interest in family law and estates has triggered one too many unsolicited “story hours” about someone’s friend’s uncle’s girlfriend’s father in Terre Haute.  It is then when I am thankful that I look like I belong more in a band than on a panel. 

Is this a function of age?  (I am thirty-five.)  Of deportment? (I exercise regularly.)  Of hair? (I have locs, not a toupee.) Or is it a combination of these things, with the crowning influence of race?

I had a middle-aged woman at an airport flat out tell me that I was lying.  And yet another insisted that I was the “creative type.”  I suppose that writing and contemplation of legal problems counts as creativity. And numerous others have confessed that they never would have guess me to be a law professor. Frankly, I find it intensely annoying.

“Like a real professor? With tenure and all that?”

Track.  Tenure, that is.  This is where questioning gets sticky.  Even my own friends reserve the realm of law-professorship for people older (and presumably whiter) than myself.  People can believe that I could teach a class or two, attend a conference here and there, or even sit on a committee. Adjuncting is possible. But venturing into the realm of full-fledged academia is a stretch. 

Statistically, the population of black law professors is small. In 2006, 716 persons out of 8014 identified themselves as black to the American Association of Law Schools, an increase from 484 in 1992.  That’s an increase of approximately 16 people nationwide per year. These numbers indicate that diversification of law school faculties largely occurs from within the academy, rather than the recruitment of new professors from outside. 

But most, if not all professors of African descent have experienced racial profiling.  Eminent historian John Hope Franklin has been mistaken as a valet parking attendant.  A friend of mine was assumed to be a nanny for the fair-skinned child she was holding—her own.  And I myself have been assumed to be a mugger.

Of course, we can take these examples of misidentification with a grain of salt.  Perhaps Franklin stood by a podium at the front door of the hotel where people drop off their cars.  Or maybe I was walking down the street too close to the woman in front of me.  Or my friend was wearing a nanny’s smock.  These assumptions based on appearance could occur for a myriad of reasons when the seer possesses no acquaintance with the professor.  I would be amazed if the frightened woman on the street had turned around and said, “Oh, you scared me!  I thought you were going to mug me, but I feel safe now because you must be a Scholar!”  Probably not.

But for those situations where another person disbelieves the professions of the professor, the profiling takes on another color.  In this misappropriation of employment and identity, the disbelieved person faces a racial barrier that excludes her (and her kind) from a collective image of The Academy.  At the same time, it is a reminder of the minority scholar’s anomalous status.

These interactions are never confrontational.  They are most likely unintentional.  And most likely, the person “didn’t mean anything.”  Furthermore, they do not affect the scholar’s tenure or other types of job security.  Additionally, the interrogator might argue that they meant it as a compliment.  You don’t look like a law professor!

But why should a black law professor have to convince (however briefly) someone else of their gainful employment?  That fleeting moment of disbelief, however harmless, only demonstrates the persistent perception of the legal academy as the exclusive province of middle-aged white men.  For another person to incite a reaffirmation of my position requires me to adopt the Popeyesque psychology of “I am what I am.”  This is a rebuttable presumption black law professors, both men and women, should not have to face.

September 14, 2007

Reflections on “Advice for New Law Students of Color”

Last year I posted “Advice for New Law Students of Color.” 

I’m linking back to the post today because we’ve got a new class of entering 1Ls.  The post provided advice to new law students, and discussed six “myths,” including: 

 Myth #1:  If I know the material I’ll get good grades.  

Myth #2:  I’ve got three years to do well.  

Myth #3:  I don’t want to be on law review or go to a big firm, but do public interest instead, and therefore I don’t need high grades.  

Myth #4:  Even though I did everything in college at the last minute and still did well, I’ve turned over a new leaf and I’m coming to class, doing all of the reading, briefing cases, and outlining for law school.  This means I’ll do well in law school.  

Myth #5:  I need to wait until I know all of the material to take a practice exam.     

Myth #6:  I’m a person of color and I can’t focus all of my time on law school because I need to help my community.      

I received offline comments from people I respect who think that discussing Sander's work under Myth #6 legitimizes it and puts too much pressure on entering students.  Upon reflection, I think my constructive critics are correct with regard to some students.  If you’re already focused on doing well in law school, take a look at Myths #1-5, and ignore #6.      

September 13, 2007

Guest Post By Professor Trina Jones of Duke Law School on Erwin Chemerinsky

[The following is a post by Professor Trina Jones of Duke Law School:]   

As many of you know, my colleague, Professor Erwin Chemerinsky, http://www.law.duke.edu/fac/chemerinsky/ , was recently offered the deanship at a soon-to-be-established law school at the University of California Irvine.  On Tuesday, less than a week after he signed a contract, UCI Chancellor Michael V. Drake flew to North Carolina and withdrew the offer apparently due to conservative opposition. See http://blogs.wsj.com/law/2007/09/12/the-oc-law-school-edition/ or http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-ucilaw13sep13,0,5893599.story?coll=la-homecenter  

A similar dynamic occurred last winter at Duke Law School, where Chemerinsky was one of three finalists for the deanship.  As was the case nine months ago, I find myself struggling with a number of observations and questions: 

First, have we kissed academic freedom goodbye? Is the ability of a professor to express ideas openly, to dissent from prevailing norms, no longer valued or desired?  Are public universities now in the business of policing viewpoints, of punishing those who engage in public debate? Surely history has taught us that this is dangerous to achievement of the free and democratic society to which presumably we still aspire.   

Second, how do liberal beliefs render irrelevant almost three decades of outstanding service as a gracious colleague, prolific scholar, committed advocate, generous mentor, and engaged public citizen?  Why is being progressive presumptively disqualifying (especially for those with stellar credentials) while being conservative is presumptively qualifying (especially for those with mediocre track records)?  

Third, where then is all the support for the ubiquitous claim that the academy is run by - and “ruined” by - left-wing radicals?  Could it be that conservatism rules in an atmosphere that insists the opposite is true?   

Fourth, what is the going price for a law school? a university?  Is the financial cost of critical thought too expensive for a law school devoted to the public interest? 

And, finally, how can any senior administrator lead a candidate, whose liberal views did not appear overnight, to the point of actually signing a contract only to “discover” that the candidate would be politically controversial, polarizing, and a lightening rod for conservatives?  Does anyone believe the Chancellor was not subject to outside influence?  Surely this kind of incompetence does not augur well for the future legal program at UCI.  In addition to academic freedom, there is a fundamental question of integrity at issue here.   

The law school at UCI was to be devoted to the public interest.  Yet, Chancellor Drake rejected a candidate with a lifetime of demonstrated commitment to serving the public.  It appears the Chancellor acted out of fear - a fear that the appointment of someone with Chemerinsky's record, someone with stated and expressed views, would stir up too much debate, stimulate too much dialogue, and incite too many people to action.  In other words, he seems to have feared that UCI law school, from its inception, would do precisely what academic institutions are supposed to do - encourage us to think critically and to engage in robust and spirited debate.   

Chemerinsky is Jewish and today is Rosh Hashanah, a time when Jews are called upon to reflect upon the recent past and to contemplate the new year.  I am not Jewish, but I have engaged in my share of reflection and introspection today.  And, I have come to agree with the conclusions of a fellow blogger (Neil), who wrote “UC Irvine’s position is indefensible and intellectually bankrupt. The school deserves condemnation from every person who respects academic freedom and respects the notion of free-flowing political discourse, whether they be conservative or liberal.”  I invite all persons who share these viewpoints to voice their concerns to Chancellor Drake and the UC Regents, and to boycott any future efforts to build a law school at UCI.   

--Professor Trina Jones, September 13, 2007  

 

July 01, 2007

Consent in Multi-Partner Rape Cases: What Does “Yes” and “No” Mean in These Contexts?

     Most of us are, by now, are quite familiar with the many narratives describing the increased sexual activity that takes place during college spring break trips.  The American Medical Association reported this past March that: “Sizable numbers [of college women] reported getting sick from drinking, and blacking out and engaging unprotected sex or sex with more than one partner . . . About 30 percent of women surveyed said spring break trips with sun and alcohol are an essential part of college life . .  . About 40 percent said they regretted passing out or not remembering what they did . . . 10 percent said they regretted engaging in public or group sexual activity” (http://articles.news.aol.com/news/_a/spring-break-endangers-womens-health/20060308012509990001).           

     These multi-party sexual encounters raise a number of questions that force us to re-evaluate the idea of consent in rape cases.  These types of activities, sometimes involve women who get raped in the same night that they consented to sexual intercourse with multi-partners.  For the most part, we think of the concept of rape as an “all or nothing” granting or not granting of consent.  How then should we legally make sense of situations involving women, who, engaged in multi-partner sexual activities, consent to touching by some partners but not by the others?  How should we measure consent in these contexts?  How do we prevent society’s biases and stereotypes from influencing the outcome of these types of cases?

     As we have seen in past rape cases, a jury’s application of the reasonable doubt standard in rape cases can be affected by its perception of the victim’s character as well as its assessment of the circumstances surrounding the occurrence of the rape.  This perception can be detrimental to rape victims who do not fit the profile of what a jury might consider as “careful” women or “traditional rape victims”.  In the absence of force or conclusive DNA evidence, the likelihood of these women’s rapists being convicted is currently not very high.  Consequently, our task for the future will be to construct a burden of proof which does not penalize the behavior of these non-traditional rape victims and, which, simultaneously, does not unduly prejudice potentially innocent defendants.           

 

 

May 21, 2007

A Latino Obama in the Making?

 Andrew Manuel Crespo

The Harvard Law Review has elected its first Latino President—Andrew Manual Crespo. I can’t but wonder whether Crespo  thinks of this moment as an historical one—and, more particularly, in relation to Obama’s career trajectory and presidential candidacy. Recall that Obama was the first (and I think only?) black president of the law review.  Now he is a viable black candidate for the presidency. Of course, his presidency of the law review is not the reason for this. But his leadership of the law review is an important part of the overall story we tell about him (and helps to explain why some people perceive him as a racial exception). We will have to wait to see how Crespo’s law review presidency will figure in how we imagine him—assuming that, after this moment, we will be imagining him at all.

April 30, 2007

Lateral Moves for Professors of Color, 2007-2008

It’s the last day of April.  For most law schools, classes have come to an end.  Next year, the following law professors of color will be teaching their courses at new law schools.  Here is a list of lateral moves for law professors of color, as reported by Concurring Opinions and PrawfsBlawg.

 

Jim Chen, Minnesota to Louisville, Dean

John Valery White, LSU to UNLV, Dean

 

Michelle Adams, Seton Hall to Cardozo

Keith Aoki, Oregon to UC Davis

Laura Beny, Michigan to Minnesota

Montre Carodine, Washington & Lee from Alabama

Chip Carter, Case Western to Temple

Adrienne Davis, North Carolina to Washington University-St. Louis

Michele Goodwin, DePaul to Minnesota

Vivian Hamilton, West Virginia to William & Mary

Tanya Hernandez, Rutgers-Newark to George Washington

Darryl Jones, Pittsburgh to Stetson

Deseriee Kennedy, Tennessee to Touro

Tayyab Mahmud, John Marshall to Seattle

Joelle Moreno, New England to Florida International

Kali Murray, Mississippi to Marquette

Eboni Nelson, Texas Southern to South Carolina

Karl Okamoto, Rutgers-Camden to Drexel

Robert Rhee, Washburn to Maryland

Bernard Trujillo, Wisconsin to Valparaiso

Elizabeth Trujillo, Detroit-Mercy to Suffolk

Christopher Yoo, Vanderbilt to Pennsylvania

Peter Yu, Michigan State to Drake

January 02, 2007

Whiteboyism, American-Style

 Stories abound in corporate America of blacks getting whiteboyed–slammed in often subtle ways by behavior whose effect, if not purpose, is racial subordination. From Ellis Cose’s The Rage of A Privileged Class to the more recent entry, Herman Malone’s Lynched By Corporate America, these tales have been propagated for mass public consumption and, at least ostensibly, for education. Predating and coinciding with Professor Richard Sander’s congenital obsession with proving black inferiority in the legal profession, similar narratives as well as supporting data have emerged about whiteboying in the practice of law. (See, for example, The Good Black. I do mean to be impious toward Professor Sander’s work, for it is curious when a white man devotes so such energy to demonstrating why an already under-represented group should be more under-represented instead of explaining the structural advantages that allow over-represented groups to remain over-represented.) And of course, the casual observer of politics witnesses whiteboying with a frequency that allows him to pull examples from the tips of his fingers. Black Republican Michael Steele, who once described President Bush as his "homeboy," was passed over by the President for the position of Republican National Committee Chairman in favor a white Cuban. Congressman Alcee Hastings, exonerated of criminal wrongdoing as a judge by a jury of his peers, was passed over as Chair of the House Intelligence Committee, purportedly because his impeachment while on the bench made him unfit to serve in such a sensitive post. The catch: the impeachment was based on the same conduct for which Hastings was found innocent, occurred nearly seven years after his acquittal, and its sanction did not, as was the Senate’s prerogative, forbid Hastings from holding "any Office of honor, Trust, or Profit under the United States."

A colleague of mine at a northeastern law school recently shared with me her own brush with whiteboying. A white male faculty member of no particular institutional stature had excluded her from a meeting for which her committee duties made it appropriate that she attend. This was not done inadvertently: the white male colleague explained that because he and his black colleague did not get along, he had excluded her to present the best face possible to a job candidate for whom the meeting was scheduled. It was a real-time example of the "personality defense" that has come to be raised to explain away circumstances that are equally susceptible to a reading of discrimination. The black professor’s only "clash" with her white colleague had been to disagree with him on occasion in faculty meetings.

Continue reading "Whiteboyism, American-Style" »

October 10, 2006

Upcoming Civil Rights Symposium at Howard Law School

On October 20, 2006, from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., Howard Law School is hosting an important symposium on coalition building and the modern civil-rights movement.  Blackprof will be well represented: Sherillyn Ifill, Darren Hutchinson, and Guest Contributor Jody Armour are featured panelists.  The symposium promises to be a powerful and provocative event.  For more details, click here.

September 30, 2006

Early Admissions and Law Schools

 

University of Michigan Law School

 

 Just as Harvard University announced its decision to end its early admissions program, law schools are, apparently, moving in the other direction. So reports a recent article in The National Law Journal. (See Fiercer Competition Prompts Early Admissions Trend by Tresa Baldas).  Recall that one of Harvard’s articulated reasons for jettisoning its early admissions policy had to do with concerns about information and resource asymmetries that related to race and class: early admissions programs benefit rich white students, the argument goes. At least one of the law schools with an early admission program, the University of Michigan Law School, has suggested that the race and class asymmetry problem likely does not obtain with respect to law school because, among reasons, law applicants are more sophisticated than undergraduate applicants. Michigan Law School’s position on this issue is all the more interesting when one remembers the important role the school has played in defending affirmation action. (Recall that on June 23, 2003, the Supreme Court upheld the law school’s affirmative action program and struck down college’s.) My query is twofold:

  1. Do we think this move on the part of at least some law schools (including, NYU, Virginia, Penn, Chicago-Kent, Missouri and Northwestern) is likely to become a trend—that is, the norm? (Yes, I think); and
  2. Should those of us who are concerned about racial diversity in law school be concerned about this? (I am not sure).

More generally, is there something wrong with law schools moving in this direction?

September 07, 2006

A Blog Supreme?

The Pocket Part, an online companion to the Yale Law Journal, is publishing a series of articles and essays this month on “The Future of Legal Scholarship.”  Contributors explore the impact of technology on conventional legal scholarship.  My contribution, entitled "A Blog Supreme?", relates the work of free and avant garde jazz artists to the work of online legal scholars.

Here’s a taste of the Essay:

A Blog Supreme?

Christopher Bracey

American writer and poet laureate Amiri Baraka once remarked that jazz music is “essentially the expression of an attitude, or a collection of attitudes, about the world, and only secondarily an attitude about the way music is made.” The same can be said of the burgeoning field of online scholarship. Many rearguard academics view online scholarship as a perversion or threat to conventional modes of scholarly production. By contrast, those in the academic vanguard appreciate online scholarship, first and foremost, as an organic contribution to the world of ideas, and perhaps secondarily, if at all, as a commentary or critique of prevailing modes of scholarship. Although online scholarship takes shape within and against prevailing modes of scholarly production, it has developed, like jazz, into a distinctive idiom of intellectual engagement with its own cultural aesthetic, norms, and the like. And like jazz, it retains a certain mystery and mystique that proves compelling to proponents and confounding to its critics.

In this Essay, I relate the work of free and avant-garde jazz artists to the work of online legal scholars. I employ this jazz metaphor to advance a deeper understanding of online scholarship and its relationship to conventional modes of scholarship and the scholarly enterprise in general. This is not to suggest that all online scholars should aspire to be the John Coltrane of their field, or to perform as impressively as Coltrane did in his 1964 masterwork, A Love Supreme. Nor do I argue that traditional legal scholars are presumptive “squares” and “moldy figs” in comparison to the “hip” online scholars. Rather, I want to suggest that viewing online scholarship through the prism of the jazz experience helps us appreciate the perspective of many online scholars, the nature of online contributions, and the impact that online scholars hope to achieve upon the world of ideas. The jazz metaphor also sheds light on the manner in which online scholarship will be received in traditional academic circles in the years to come. Indeed, the uneasy acceptance of jazz (particularly the free and avant-garde idiom) by music traditionalists and the general public suggests that online scholarship will at best be understood as a compelling alternative mode of scholarly engagement that accents rather than displaces conventional forms of scholarly expression.

The full essay can be found here.

 

August 31, 2006

The Gender and Racial Politics of Supreme Court Clerk Hiring

The New York Times reported yesterday the dearth of female Supreme Court clerks.  And of course the predictable response is that women simply didn’t meet the Justices' implicitly objective standards of merit.  As always, the decisions purportedly are made strictly on the basis of qualification; it just turns out, according to this narrative, that this year large numbers of women didn’t make the cut.

As is often the case with institutional questions concerning the shortage of women and minorities occupying positions of authority in this country, there is insufficient attention to the criteria defining prevailing conceptions of merit, and whether those criteria are best suited to identifying the best candidates.

In the world of Supreme Court clerkships, the role of the feeder judge is paramount.   Supreme Court justices disproportionately hire their clerks from a narrow slice of federal appellate judges.  I’ve not seen any suggestion (from the Justices themselves or others) that these judges are singularly qualified to select high-quality Supreme Court clerks; in any case, I’ve certainly not seen any evidence — empirical or anecdotal — showing these judges possess uniquely prescient predicative abilities concerning law-clerk quality.

Feeder judges, moreover, tend to identify their clerks by referrals from a narrow slice of feeder professors.  These feeder professors tend themselves to be former Supreme Court and appellate clerks, and teach primarily at a few Ivy and quasi-Ivy (e.g. Stanford; NYU; Duke) law schools.  These feeder profs, as former Supreme Court clerks, were of course fed to prior Justices by feeder judges, and fed to prior feeder judges by feeder lawprofs.  These professors leverage their personal relationships with feeder judges to advance the candidacies of favored students.  And they identify candidates largely by the peculiarities of how professors generally come to mentor students — a mélange of factors often turning on the degree of cultural, social, and political identity between teacher and student.

All of these factors exclude law students who attend a school in which a feeder prof teaches, but don’t take courses with the feeder prof or are otherwise unable to build a rapport with a feeder prof.  And of course students at laws schools devoid of feeder profs are left totally in the cold.  One could write further on the cleavages that define eligibility and acceptance at elite law schools.  Empirical work in the Grutter and Gratz cases, for example, revealed that the LSAT is a limited predictor of performance in law school.  The law schools where feeder profs teach largely require applicants to perform extraordinarily well on the LSAT; but because the LSAT itself has limited validity as a predictor of law-school success, it distorts the student pool from which feeder profs select.

In all of these ways, the Supreme Court clerk hiring process is all-too-familiar: it's characterized by an “old boys network” of backroom relationships and artificial criteria that seem better to serve the interests of the status quo than a meaningfully objective standard of merit.  Even more, the defenders of existing practices couch it all in meritocratic rhetoric, concealing the extent to which selection methodologies reflect myopic and ultimately counter-productive visions of qualification.

August 18, 2006

Advice for New Law Students of Color

Welcome to law school, and I hope you do well.

Sometimes experienced heads don’t talk about the details of law school because they know that the process is stressful.  They don’t want to add to your anxiety.   

I have a different opinion.  I have found that when students don’t do well, it is often a result of a lack of mentoring, straight talk, polish, and maturity (not due to a lack of intellect).  Thus, I want to be frank, let you know the game, and dispel some common myths.  My hope is that such disclosure will help you get your bearings and feel more comfortable.      

Myth #1:  If I know the material I’ll get good grades. 

Model CurveWrong.  Almost all law schools use a curve, and so you need to do better than most of your classmates in order to get good grades.  You need to know the material, but that’s not enough.  Ask the administration (e.g., Dean of Students) for a copy of the curve that professors use to grade first year courses so that you understand what a bad, average, and good grade is.  At many law schools, a “B” is below average.      

Myth #2:  I’ve got three years to do well. 

You need to figure out the game the first two to three months.  Job opportunities, law review, and most everything else is based on first year.  Next fall you’ll be interviewing and looking for a job, and most interviewers are not going to care about undergrad, your community service, moot court, your potential to rebound, or anything else.  They are going to look at first-year law school grades (they are busy and are looking for a quick way to determine which students they should agree to interview), and whether or not you’ll fit in to their work environment. 

Unfortunately, the function of law school is not simply to teach law.  Another important function (and some would say the most important function) is to sort students for potential employers.  It is much easier to recognize this hard truth and put in the time now and do well than to spend the next 10 years trying to make up for bad first year grades.    

Myth #3:  I don’t want to be on law review or go to a big firm, but do public interest instead, and therefore I don’t need high grades. 

Frankly, you may not know enough about law review or firm life—and how you can help the community through both—to make that statement now (or realize how much more difficult it is to pay a school loan note of $1,400 a month when you’re bringing home after taxes $3,000 a month rather than $7000 a month).  Additionally, because there are so few good public interest jobs and a large number of people want them, they often require higher grades than firm jobs.  It is also patronizing to suggest that high-paying clients deserve a lawyer who has earned high grades, and that public interest clients do not.  Finally, many seasoned people look at the “public interest” excuse as a cop out from doing the hard work.    

Myth #4:  Even though I did everything in college at the last minute and still did well, I’ve turned over a new leaf and I’m coming to class, doing all of the reading, briefing cases, and outlining for law school.  This means I’ll do well in law school. 

Wrong.  I teach property, and I hear tales from so many people who “think” they should have done better because they worked hard and knew property better than their other subjects.   

Grades usually come down to a single 3-hour exam at the end of the semester.  Your whole existence for the next 10 months should revolve around how to pick up more points on that exam than most of your classmates.  You do this by getting copies of old exams and answers to the exam if they are available now (not in November or December), and starting to learn to dissect them now. 

Start with your professors’ old exams and dissect them, move on to others’ old exams, and then redo and revisit your professors’ old exams.  Take some exams slowly without being timed, and move on to timing yourself.  Practice, practice, practice.  Simulate the exam experience.  If you’re going to take the exam on your laptop (which I recommend if you can type, because you can cover more issues quickly and your work is easier to read), practice on a laptop. 

You should study for structure and substance.  You should ask yourself, "Why is X included on this model answer and Y is not?"  Does a good answer use headings?  IRAC?  Anything else?  

You should figure out what a scoring checklist would look like for a particular exam question, so that you can look at this from the perspective of a professor (a scoring checklist allows for more objectivity in grading (often, if the exam answer identifies and analyzes the issue the student gets points, and if the issue is not identified and analyzed the student doesn’t pick up the points, even if the student was brilliant on a different issue)).  You should figure out how many points you can pick up in 3 hours, and if not everything, you need to figure out what you should focus on to get the most points (remember, you don’t need 100%, just more than other classmates).    

Learn to pace yourself so that you don't run out of time.  Too many students invest all of their 3 hours into Question 1 and write very little on Question 2, thereby missing a lot of easy points that would have allowed them to move up the curve.   Many professors grade all of the student answers to Question 1 together and then all of the answers to Question 2 together, and later total the score without having any "sympathy" on those who wrote a brilliant Question 1 and next to nothing for Question 2.  As professors, we often like all students (we don't want to hurt anyone), we are often grading blind, and we know that "helping" one student hurts all others on a curve.  Thus, many of us aim for a seemingly objective, numerical, defensible system for grading that allows for consistency. 

There's a lot more, and you learn it by asking your professor questions, and by trial and error in taking practice exams.  You’ve got only three months to become an expert at taking law school exams. 

At a minimum, you should invest 15% of your time each week (6 hours in a 40-hour week) working on figuring out the exam process, and probably more if you want to do very well (especially as the semester moves into October and November). 

For me, exam taking is a race.  The question is which students can pick up the most points in a finite amount of time.  Because you’ve got only a finite amount of time, you don’t want to add anything unnecessary that is not going to help you with points, because doing so will prevent you from picking up some other points within the finite time period.   

Visit with each of your professors within the next three weeks during office hours.  Figure out how much of the grade is class participation, and how much of it is based on exam performance (for me I reserve the right to raise or lower a third of the grade based on class participation (e.g., from a B to a B+), which means that on the curve, the students who don’t participate are at a disadvantage relative to those who do participate). 

In terms of the exam, does the professor grade based on picking up issues (the student at the top of the class was most comprehensive in spotting all the issues)?  Or can you go deep on only a couple of issues and miss some other big issues and still get an “A”?  Does the professor give points for organization (even if he or she does not, organization is good because it keeps you straight as to what issues you’ve covered)?  Could your professor point you to three or four students from last year who got A’s or A+ grades that you might contact?  Is the exam open book or closed?  Is it all essay or will there be some multiple choice as well?  Are most of the questions “issue spotters”?  Are any of them “policy questions”?  Or does the professor ask that you use policy when a question of law is up in the air to figure out which body of law should be adopted in a jurisdiction? 

Ask nicely for all of this stuff (avoid even a hint of confrontational attitude), and don’t be surprised if the professor or the administration (when you ask for the curve) is a bit hesitant.  They know that you’re asking about the particular safe deposit box where they keep all of the money, and they’ll be weighing in their minds if giving you this information gives you an unfair advantage over other students. 

You want all of this information so that you can put together tools that will allow you to perform well on the exam.  A 100-page outline may be too cumbersome to use on the exam, and a 2-page checklist might be better.  If the exam is closed book, perhaps you memorize a 1-page checklist that you can jot out as soon as you get into the exam.  You aren’t going to know what tools will work for you to pick up the most points, however, unless you engage in the trial and error process now (rather than on the exam when it counts), and hone your tools.  

Exam taking is not rocket science.  Generally, the people who do well in law school are the people who master the game earlier (within the first two months before your first set of exams) rather than later (third year).         

Myth #5:  I need to wait until I know all of the material to take a practice exam.    

A lot of students use this excuse to procrastinate, and end up taking their first practice exam a week before the actual exam.  Don’t fall into this trap. 

Use your 6 hours a week during the first couple of weeks to collect and organize all of the old exams and answers (from your professor and from others who teach the same subject), and identify which issues are implicated in each exam question (from the model answers or by visiting with your professor).  Then, organize the exam questions along the lines of your syllabus, and dissect the question as you are covering a set of cases in the course, or immediately after you have finished the set of cases.   

 Imagine, for example, that your professor starts off property with adverse possession, and you spend two weeks on that subject. 

During that unit, or immediately after it (in September), you should do, dissect, and master all of the adverse possession questions that you have.  Figure out where all of the tricks are and what types of facts trigger those tricks (as professors, we have only a finite number of tricks).  After the second unit (let’s say future interests), you should master future interest problems, but you should occasionally (perhaps once every other week) do an adverse possession question to stay sharp on that subject and hone your skills. 

Learning to take an exam is like learning to drive a car or type on a computer.  You can read about it, but you’ve got to practice it in order to make it second nature.

Myth #6:  I’m a person of color and I can’t focus all of my time on law school because I need to help my community.   

Unless you are an influential public figure who speaks out about policy issues like Barack Obama, the best way to help your community is to try to do well your first year of law school.     

 

Richard SanderThis link is the site of a UCLA law professor named Richard Sander (pictured right).  Sander has compiled data suggesting that the median black student earns first-year grades “comparable to a white student at the 7th or 8th percentile.” Sander claims that this performance of black students is attributable to affirmative action in the admissions process, and asserts that affirmative action should be scaled back substantially.  Sander’s work was originally published in the Stanford Law Review, and has been cited extensively as a reason to end affirmative action.   

 

If you believe that affirmative action is an important tool to break up “old boy” networks, provide opportunities for women and people of color, and integrate our nation, you need to prioritize grades and try your best to do well.  There are thousands of other people who would love to have the opportunity that you enjoy.  Take advantage of the opportunity—don’t take it for granted.     

 

Barack ObamaBy the way, I was a first year law student when Barack was a third year, and I looked up to him.  Barack did very well his first year of law school, became president of the Harvard Law Review, and graduated magna cum laude.  For him, excellence was an important part of commitment to community.  

July 24, 2006

Washington, DC Top City for Minority J.D.Diplomas

 

The July 13 issue of "Diverse Issues in Higher Education" reports (summary of data here) that 4 of the top 5 schools awarding J.D. degrees to minorities are in Washington, D.C.  The schools are in rank order:

1. Howard University     180 J.D.s awarded in 2004-2005 

2. American University  154

3. Thomas Cooley        154 

4.  George Washington 153

5. Georgetown  Univ.     149 

The 2004-2005 Data for African American J.Ds alone are:

1. Howard                    167  J.D.s awarded

2. Thomas Cooley         103

3. Southern Univ.            79

4. Texas Southern           64

5. Harvard Univ.              59

6. Georgetown Univ          57

7. George Washington      49   

 

June 23, 2006

Affirmative Action Harms Blacks?

Note that there is only one discernible black person in the above image. 
Assume that the image represents partners at a major firm. Is affirmative action the cause of, or the cure for, this picture?

Some of you might recall that, last year, my colleague, Richard Sander, published an article that argues that affirmative action harms blacks. Part of the claim is that affirmative action mismatches blacks to elite institutions in which they cannot compete. Blacks under-perform at these institutions and some don't graduate.  And even when blacks graduate, they have difficult passing the bar.  Affirmative action causes all of this, and all of this actually decreases the number of practicing black lawyers. (See Sander’s Article) Now, some of these arguments are not new. What is new is the extent to which Rick Sander employs empiricism to support his claims. As you might imagine, several scholars have responded to his article (See Does Affirmative Action Reduce the Number of Black Lawyers? by Ian Ayres & Richard Brooks).  The North Carolina Law Review is about to publish what in effect amounts to Part II. Here, Sander applies his mismatch theory to law firms. The theory goes something like this: Black attrition at law firms is a function of white partners and senior associates not dishing out the most important work to black associates; as a result, black associates end up doing more grunt work.  Why would partners and senior associates behave in this way? Because they know that their firm practices affirmative action. From that they assume that black associates are going to be less qualified and not as capable as white associates. (See How Racial Preferences Backfire for a favorable reception of the Sander's article.) Sanders work is in tension with, among others, that of David Chamber's and Richard Lempert. Their 2000 study (See Michigan's Minority Graduates in Practice: The River Runs Through Law School) suggests that non-white students who graduated from Michigan law school between 1970 and 1996 were just as successful in their careers as their white peers. Of course, there is no way to give proper treatment to this issue in this forum; it's hard to have an empirical discussion on a blog.
 
But let's assume that part of the empirical evidence irrefutably demonstrates the following: 

  1. With respect to entering credentials for law school, there is a racial gap between whites and blacks; as a group, blacks have lower GPAs and LSAT scores than whites;

  2. With respect to law school performance, there is a racial gap between whites and blacks; as a group, blacks have lower GPAs in law school than whites;

  3. With respect to par passage, there is a racial gap between whites and blacks; as a group, blacks have lower bar passage rates than whites;

  4. With respect to tenure at law firms, there is a racial gap between whites and blacks; as a group, whites stay longer at law firms than blacks; and finally,

  5. With respect to partnership at law firms, there is a racial gap between whites and blacks; as a group, whites make partnership at a higher rate than blacks.

The question is, assuming that the above is accurate, does it suggests that affirmative action harms blacks? Don't we have to look at where blacks are in society as a result of affirmative? Note that one does not have to be pro-affirmative action to suggest that affirmative action benefits blacks; indeed, many of the arguments against affirmative action is that it unfairly benefits blacks. The flip is also true: one does not have to oppose affirmative action to argue that it harms blacks. What I am trying to engender here is a conversation about this: if we bracket off for the purpose of this discussion the concern about reverse discrimination (and I know that, for at least some of you, this is bracketing off quite a bit; we can have that discussion another time)--if we focus on affirmative action's impact on blacks, what sort of questions should we be asking at the end of day to ascertain whether it harms blacks? Is data of the sort delineated above sufficient?

June 19, 2006

US Civil Rights Commission Criticizes Proposed Revision to ABA Diversity Standard

InsideHigherEd.com recently reported on a meeting held by the United States Civil Rights Commission to discuss the proposed revisions to the ABA Diversity Standard that will be presented to the ABA House of Delegates for approval this August.  The proposed revision is designed to provide law schools with greater guidance when pursuing diversity and equal opportunity in the wake of the Supreme Court’s 2003 limited endorsement of the use of race as a factor in law school admissions.

 

The proposed ABA Standard 211 reads in relevant part: “a law school shall demonstrate, by concrete action, a commitment to providing full opportunities for the study of law and entry into the profession by members of underrepresented groups, particularly racial and ethnic minorities, and a commitment to having a study body that is diverse with respect to gender, race, and ethnicity.”  The revised Standard also contains a new section that reads “a law school shall demonstrate by concrete action a commitment to having a faculty and staff that are diverse with respect to gender, race and ethnicity.”

 

The article, which can be found here, describes the contentious meeting that took place.  A number of people, including me, have chimed in on this debate in the past few months. The promotion of diversity and equal opportunity for racial minorities remains a preeminent concern of mine as well as many others.  Equally clear, however, is that affirmative action and diversity initiatives face increasing levels of resistance and scrutiny.  If Friday’s meeting before the Commission is any indication, the deep skepticism and distrust that have infused debate on this question up to this point are unlikely to abate any time soon.

 

May 21, 2006

From a Professor to the Class of 2006

Congratulations on graduating today.  I marched in the ceremony, but I didn’t chat with you personally.  A smile, a glance, a nod, a brief wave—at most, that’s all there was.

These are awkward moments for me.  I’ll never see many of you again.  For those of you I taught in class or knew in some other capacity, we spent a lot of time together.  You shaped me and I hope I had some slight influence on you.  I would have liked to have met your parents to tell them how much you've grown in your time here--and how proud I am of you.  I probably wasn’t up to the emotion associated with such an explicit acknowledgment of my loss, however. 

I know that there has always been some distance between us—please don’t mistake that for me not caring about you.  Part of the distance stems from practical hurdles—it is difficult to have extensive friendships with the scores of people that I teach each year and also fulfill my responsibilities as parent of small children, spouse, writer, and civic participant.  Part of it is necessary—I never spoon fed you because I know that you'll need initiative, gumption, and independence to make it in today's workforce.  I also wanted to create a professional tone so that you'll be comfortable when you move into the work world. 

Despite the distance, I do care.  Outside of my immediate family, not too many other people have listened to me blather on for dozens of hours.  How could I not care for someone who has tolerated that? 

Most likely, the next time I see your name will be in an alumni magazine entry or a newspaper article announcing that you just made partner, won an election, became CEO, wrote a book, had a child, or realized some other achievement.  I will smile, but I’ll also be sad that the practicalities of this job didn’t allow me to get to know an interesting and special person better when our lives crossed in the classroom.

Let me end with a saying that my former pastor sometimes recited. . .

May the road rise up to meet you, may the wind be ever at your back. 

May the sun shine warm upon your face and the rain fall softly on your fields. 

And until we meet again, may God hold you in the palm of God’s hand.    

May 18, 2006

First African-American Woman to Join YLS Faculty

CONGRATS Tracey!  This is major . . . From Yale Law School . . .

Tracey L. Meares, the Max Pam Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Studies in Criminal Justice at the University of Chicago School of Law, will join Yale Law School as Professor of Law in January 2007.   Professor Meares’ teaching and research interests center on criminal procedure and criminal law policy, with a particular emphasis on empirical investigation of these subjects.

Professor Meares received her B.S. in General Engineering from the University of Illinois, and her J.D. from The University of Chicago Law School. Upon graduation, Professor Meares clerked for Judge Harlington Wood, Jr. of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, then served as an Honors Program Trial Attorney in the Antitrust Division of the United States Department of Justice, before joining the University of Chicago faculty in 1994. In addition, Professor Meares currently holds an appointment as a Senior Research Fellow at the American Bar Foundation. She is also a affiliate of the University of Chicago Center for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture.

"Tracey Meares has established herself as one of our most insightful commentators on race, crime, and the law," said Harold Hongju Koh, Dean of Yale Law School. "Using empirical methods and social psychology, she has emerged as that rare criminal law and procedure scholar who focuses on crime prevention, by applying a civil society approach to law enforcement that builds upon the interaction between law, culture, social norms, and social organization.  We are delighted to welcome to New Haven and Yale a talented teacher and scholar whose work promotes law enforcement by designing norm-focused strategies to advance crime reduction through community empowerment."

Professor Meares is the author, inter alia, of Urgent Times: Policing and Rights in Inner City Communities (Beacon Press 1999) (with Dan Kahan) and a forthcoming Foundation Press casebook on Criminal Law (with Dan Kahan and Neal Katyal). Her many articles include "When 2 or 3 Come Together: Cooperation Between the Black Church and the Police in Chicago," forthcoming in the William and Mary Law Review (with Kelsi Brown Korkran); "Updating the Study of Punishment," 56 Stanford Law Review 1171 (2004) (with Dan Kahan and Neal Katyal), "Lawful Policing," 593The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 66 (18) (2004) (with Wesley Skogan); "Mass Incarceration:  Who Pays the Price for Criminal Offending" 3 Criminology and Public Policy 295 (2004); "Praying for Community Policing," 90 California Law Review 1593 (2002); and "The Coming Crisis of Criminal Procedure," 86 Georgetown Law Journal 1153 (1998) (with Dan Kahan).  Professor Meares is currently working on a project regarding "Legitimacy, and the Construction of Justice:  Majority and minority community perspectives on the law and legal authorities."

April 28, 2006

Marathon Man

Marathon2NEWSFLASH: THIRD BLACK LAW DEAN RESIGNS WITHIN YEAR’S TIME

“Damn,” I said to myself. “It’s hard at the top, hard in the middle, and sure enough hard at the bottom. We need a legal defense fund.”

**************

“Get that nigger! He’s got some nerve proposing the creation of a legal defense fund for academics of color. This is the legal academy, not utopia.”

I am running as fast I can, fearing for my life and uncertain whether the cacophony of footsteps behind me is an army of assailants or just the exaggerated echo of a few.

“Who do you think you are, boy?” a voice blurted out with visceral bitterness.

“If we can unseat three African-American deans [John Marshall Law School, University of Minnesota, University of Baltimore] in a year, we can do whatever we damn well please. And that Latino fella, that Johnson mother-_____ had better not think about applying for another deanship.”

“Three!” I thought to myself. “That’s nearly half of all of them. These people are unscrupulous.”

I continue to run despite some heaving and palpitations. I’m nearly 42, so my primary swiftness doesn’t reside in my body anymore. I marvel at that number -- three. Wow. Is there no place or position in the legal academy where people of color can be protected from gratuitous assaults on their competence and dignity? The question is likely rhetorical, for even black law schools have done a number on their ranks by de-emphasizing scholarship, failing to follow in the Thurgood Marshall/NAACP tradition of cutting-edge legal thought, and emulating the nepotism and patriarchy that minorities harangue whites for. There really is no safe haven for people of color in the academy or anywhere else.

“Come here, boy, what you running for?” exclaims one of the uglier assailants on my heels. In glancing back to unexpectedly encounter his want of pulchritude, I see black, brown and yellow faces chasing me along side the whites. It’s a Rainbow mob. The blacks are yelling warnings to me–I know it is they because professional blacks know the speech intonations of other professional blacks in a way that simply confounds white people. “You’re trying to mess it up for all of us. Why can’t you be content?” Another voice then inveighs, “Let him keep trying to bring qualified minorities in here. Don’t you get it? White people prefer just a couple of politically savvy Negroes like me.” She laughs as I turn to identify her. She is not a particularly agile runner because her pockets appear to be weighed downed by racial emoluments. I think to myself, “Politically savvy?! That must mean an ability to count to zero, the number of minority hires the white folks wanted and the number you got them.”

I run as fast as I can because I think these people are trying to kill me . . . .

I awaken in a cold sweat. It was just a nightmare. With the clarity brought by my ascent from somnolence, I realize that nobody wants to kill me. They only want to kill my spirit. With the certainty that this will never happen, I return to a more reposeful sleep.

Continue reading "Marathon Man" »

April 26, 2006

National Black Pre-Law Conference

I received the following info today: 


The Second Annual National Black Pre-Law Admissions & Preparation Conference and Law Fair 2006 will be held from Friday, September 8, 2006 until Sunday, September 10, 2006 on the campus of Paul Quinn College in Dallas, Texas.  The conference theme is "Encouraging Excellence, Strategic Thinking, and a Competitive Mindset Among African American Pre-Law Aspirants."   Its goal is to increase the chances of admission of prospective Black law students by emphasizing the importance of early strategic planning, understanding the highly competitive nature of the law school admissions process, and stressing the significance of academic preparedness and standing out from tough competition.  Another component of this conference is to inform students about the academic rigors, demands, and expectations of professional legal education, and to impart strategies to help them prepare for the challenging law school experience prior to actually beginning their law school careers.

Further information on registration and updates regarding the conference schedule can be found at the official conference website

April 17, 2006

Nothing Personal

People of color are expected to adjust to commonplace racial slights and assaults they encounter. In “Everyday Indignities” I discuss the psychological and sociological impetuses that prompt minorities to fight back through self-help mechanisms of anti-discrimination law instead of adjusting or resorting to the courts. Part of the struggle faced by people of color is grappling with a peculiarly white notion of civility. Professor Anita Hill’s encounter with Senator Arlen Specter at an airport, after Specter attempted to humiliate her for her sex harassment charges against then-Judge Clarence Thomas, illustrates the point. Hill recalls:

(He) spoke to me as if the bad thing that happened at his hand didn't really happen. It was sort of chitchat. It was bizarre. At first I was shocked and I was thinking, 'Am I mistaken or aren't you the person who accused me of flat-out perjury?' His reaction to me said that it had been part of his political game and it wasn't personal. He did mention something to the effect that he would like to be in touch with me about women's issues. What is this? Some political bone I am supposed to appreciate? . . . An apology would be a good start.

Anyone who has ever attended a hiring or tenure and promotion meeting of a law faculty has beared witness to white civility: skewer the minority candidate, but then seek to be cordial to both the candidate and the professors of color privy to the often unfounded attacks. It’s nothing personal when an entry-level minority candidate is compared to a white lateral and the minority’s credentials are belittled in the uneven match-up. It’s entirely consistent with civility when white faculty members informally elicit comments from students on a minority’s teaching performance and then attempt to incorporate the hearsay as part of the formal evaluation process. And one should not internalize as racist the comparison of minority candidates who teach and write in distinctive fields but who are nevertheless pitted against each other for hiring purposes. Finally, to boot, if a white faculty member argues that students are interested in theory rather than practice when an experienced black practitioner is the candidate, but argues the opposite in favor of a white candidate, it’s simply the sui generis nature of the candidate process–not race. No, it is nothing personal, so after the meeting, faculty of color should show the perpetrator and those who supported him some love.

The irony? White faculty can often count on receiving it. It’s Senator Specter’s game re-played thousands of times. And it’s black, brown and yellow faculty members foregoing accountability in order to appease white civility–and to advance their own careers. In a new article in UC Davis Law Review (PDF) that is at once interesting and inchoate, Professor Sumi Cho explores the notion of “hegemonic collegiality.” “Collegial,” she writes, “is what those in power happen to define it as at the time. As such, it absorbs the normative values of the dominant culture. Thus, the utter malleability of the term poses the same dangers to particular identity groups as any other doctrine or rule that suffers from over-vagueness.” In my view, what is needed to counteract hegemonic collegiality is a standard of workplace civility that permits people of color to hold those whom they reasonably believe to be perpetrators of discrimination accountable for their actions and words. Any other standard simply ignores the instigating incivility of racism.

A standard of civility with accountability not only protects those who decline to stand down in the face of discrimination, it also subtracts advantage from buffer minorities–blacks, Latinos and Asians whose desirability to a white employer is inversely proportional to the political undesirability of the self-assertive minority. Professor Tanya Hernandez has termed the practice of elevating such minorities “exceptionalism.” "'Multiracial' Discourse: Racial Classifications In An Era of Color-Blind Jurisprudence," Md. L. Rev. 97 (1998). The practice provides nominal cover to white employers against charges of discrimination, as they are able to point to the “good” black, the “quiet” Asian or the “call me anything but black” Latino as their defense. These buffers need not fill the mode of outright Uncle Toms. They often write, speak and teach about minority issues. But a vocation is different from a conviction, so they are more than willing to play the role of an appeasing alternative and accept the white employer’s crumbs. Exceptionalism is pervasive in the workplace, but it is surprisingly prevalent in the legal academy, where both a presumed knowledge of the law and academic freedom would seem to dissuade such conduct by both employers and minority professors.

Anita Hill often speaks about the healing process she has undergone since the Clarence Thomas hearings. In some respects, however, she did not need to hold Specter personally accountable. Voters in Pennsylvania did this when they nearly defeated him in the election after the hearings. But for minority employees, including academics, no such non-judicial third party exists. We must insist on a notion of workplace civility that allows for maintenance of our dignity. That dignity is infringed not only when there is discrimination against a particular employee but also when that employee is subjected to witnessing discrimination against members of his identity group.

Continue reading "Nothing Personal" »

April 06, 2006

How Student Law Review Editors Select Articles

As many know, a law professor who writes an article generally sends out the piece in either February or August to 30, 40, or even 100 different law reviews at various law schools around the nation.  A law professor's career depends in large part upon decisions of 24-year-old law students who determine whether to accept the article for publication.  Competition is fierce.  For example, one student law review editor told me that his journal expects to review 1100 submissions for 7 spots.   

TaxProf Blog reports that that articles editors at the University of Pennsylvania Law Review surveyed 150 law reviews to determine how student editors select articles.  Some of the results . . .  

Strongest positive influences in article selection process -- author:   

1. Author is highly influential in her respective field  

2. Author has published frequently in highly ranked law reviews

 

3. Author is employed at a highly ranked law school

 

4. Author has a large number of previous publications

 

5. Author has practice experience related to the manuscript submitted 

 

How frequently do you ask a faculty member to read the article before extending an offer of publication? 

 

Always:  7%

 

Occasionally:  44%

 

Never:  49% 

April 05, 2006

The Check-Box Academy

During a year in which my home institution’s hiring committee was all-white and managed to call back just one Asian and one black, I made a motion to the faculty that the entire hiring process be halted and that the committee revisit and redouble its efforts to recruit minority candidates.  Unsurprisingly, the motion was soundly defeated, but a junior black colleague acted courageously in supporting it.  (One or two white colleagues joined, but, as will be seen, that is not my current focus.)

The junior colleague’s vote was not without risk or ridicule.  After the meeting, a white Latino colleague approached her, inquiring as to how she had voted.  (The vote was by secret ballot.)  The manner of his inquisition tells much his politics and character.  “I know you did not vote for Terry’s motion,” the colleague asked and declared simultaneously.  The black woman’s refusal to dissemble revealed as much about her own convictions.  “Some of us vote on principle,” she retorted.

Attend a regional People of Color Legal Scholarship conference and you will not fail to hear the side chatter about racial betrayal–the white who expediently emphasized his Spanish surname when applying for a teaching job, then had nothing to do with people of color once in the academy; the black “conservative” who used race as his distinction to enter the academy but for whom race is now irrelevant; the “raceless” Asian whose ethnicity is taken into account for diversity purposes, but whose a-politicism is perceived as an inherent characteristic of a model minority.

The exchange between my two colleagues and the conversations at these conferences raise hard, discomforting questions about diversity and affirmative action.  What is the value of a Spanish surname?  Does the black conservative provide a type of intellectual diversity even if he has relied on his race as the active agent in his mobility?  If so, why should the academy have an especial interest in black conservatives, given the under-representation–relative to the general population–of black progressives and radicals?  Finally, if race and ethnicity are unimportant to a candidate personally, why should the academy–or any employer–count them as attributes in the hiring process?

In eliding the need for a remedial underpinning to affirmative action and instead embracing diversity, the Supreme Court in Grutter v. Bollinger was more concerned with ensuring that white people benefit from affirmative action than with the dynamics of race and recruitment underscored by the foregoing questions.  But we in the academy must nevertheless deal with the political and racial realities that the Court largely avoided.  For minority academics in particular, the stakes are high indeed, for the breach left by our silence will be filled by the exercise of institutional prerogative and all the perversions which accompany it.

The frustration of a senior black professor at an elite law school underscores the point.  She complained to a friend that her institution hired a black candidate for a tenure-track position.  This decision by a premiere institution, one would expect, should have elated her.  But she noted that she had not even been consulted about the hire, a slight in her eyes.  Moreover, she feared that, left to its own devices, her institution had selected a black candidate whose own identification with blacks as a collective people was unclear at best and who would probably have few or no relations with black students.  Although she fumed privately, the senior black scholar did not suggest that she might make a public issue of the matter.  Instead, hers was the voice of resignation, a concession that if her institution was to hire people of color at all, they would fit the profile of the black they had just hired.

Minority scholars’ quest to save affirmative action will be pyrrhic if the end-result is this kind of check-box, bean-counting affirmative action.  We have as much right, ability and vision to define for our institutions what affirmative action should be as do the institutions themselves.  Some of our prescriptions are certainly not without complication and risk.  For instance, in questioning the authenticity of a minority candidate, are we insisting on an essentialism among people of color that requires uniformity of thought and politics that is itself inconsistent with academic freedom?  Would our opposition to inauthentic minority candidates simply leave us with the arguably greater evil of fewer people of color in the academy?  Is this a preferable result?

I do not possess answers to all these questions, but silence is certainly not an answer.  We should openly interrogate the notion of diversity in hiring for every candidate–white and minority–presented to a faculty.  Our conference sidebars and private venting must ascend to the level of a public debate.

April 03, 2006

The Role of Universities In Responding To Allegations of Sexual Assault on Campus

In the early hours of March 14th, a 27 year old exotic dancer alleged that she was gang raped in a house owned by Duke University.  The house is leased by three of the four captains of the elite Duke lacrosse team.  The team happens to be all white with the exception of one black player and the victim is a black woman.  Their race, status, and other factors might have little to do with the case were it not for the university’s response and the tragic tale of sex, race, and class in the United States.  To some, this case is being compared to the tragic episode of Tawana Brawley.  Many people, including Randall Kennedy, a famed black law professor believe that Brawley fabricated the story of her rape.  Others disagree.  In this case those outraged by Duke University’s tepid response point to evidence in the subsequent medical examination, which revealed the signs of rape, including bruising, clear signs of sexual intercourse, and torn fingernails.

According to the victim, she was raped by three men named Adam, Bret, and Matt.  Police reports detail that items obtained from the house include five torn fingernails, a shoe, and lubricant.  The team captains claim that she is lying, but have admitted to a “lack of judgment” in having the party.  Police reports reveal that since September of 2005, neighbors have called the police at least three times to the house, reporting underage drinking, loudness, and disorderly conduct. Over one third of the team has been arrested at some point in the past or charged with minor offenses that would seem to violate most student conduct policies.  John Bissey, who lives in close proximity to the house where the alleged rape occurred, claims to have overheard derogatory comments and epithets targeted at the young woman.   In several interviews he told reporters that he thought something was wrong and that he wishes that he had called the police.

This brings me to the question of the day.  How should a university respond to an allegation of gang rape against its students?  Of course it is possible that the perpetrators of sexual violence that night were not members of the lacrosse team, but students they know.  Could they have been new recruits? Visiting members of another team? But how would that information change the university’s role in interrogating the conduct of its students’ complicity?  What should the university’s response be to drinking, violence, and debauchery in university owned housing?  To be sure, there must be a student code of conduct.  I would also suspect that there is a code of conduct for members of sports teams.  According to one commentator, it would be shocking if this were the Duke basketball team that allegedly raped a farmer’s daughter.

I did some digging to find out how universities typically handle situations involving alleged rapes involving sportsmen.  The results, of course, are anecdotal, but here is what my brief search revealed.  In most cases, the members of the teams were suspended or expelled from the schools (even before the actual cases were fully prosecuted).  A few of these cases involved black athletes and other athletes involved with such cases had names which some might assume to be black—but I make no guesses here (there were no pictures).  Interestingly, universities made clear statements about not tolerating that type of conduct; they relied on the student code of conduct to suggest that even if the rape did not occur, but under age drinking was involved—that conduct was sufficient to release a member from a sports team, but also from the university.

When Florida State senior linebacker, A.J. Nicholson was accused of sexually assaulting a woman at a hotel shortly before the Orange Bowl, Head Coach Bobby Bowden “had little to say about the suspension other than”

A.J. will be sent home and suspended from this ballgame for violating a team rule and policy. That's about all I will say about it.

The University of Cincinnati responded similarly when sexual assault allegations were made against Tyree Evans, a basketball player whom they had heavily recruited:

“We are shocked and saddened to learn of the allegations against Tyree Evans,” said UC Director of Athletics Bob Goin.  “We are in a fact-finding mode right now and will let the judicial process play itself out.  If these allegations are true, we will not honor our commitment to Tyree and he will not be a part of our basketball program.”

That Dick Brodhead, the university president, and Joe Avella, the athletic director have left this latest controversy entirely in the hands of persons outside of the university should raise eyebrows.   Some games have been canceled, but practice goes on.  There are no suspensions for failure to cooperate with police.  There has been no discipline for failure to observe university policies regarding drinking; no censure for conduct clearly unbecoming of members of Duke’s sports teams. 

Here are a few questions that the university should consider.  I can’t take credit for these questions; they come from the US Department of Justice and were distributed to college presidents:

  • How much money has the college invested in preventing stranger rape compared with preventing acquaintance rape?
  • Does the college or do campus police have a security role at any of the places or functions (on or off campus) where acquaintance rapes have occurred?
  • Are current investigative methods designed to counter the most predictable defense in acquaintance rape: consent?
  • Does the rape prevention program provided by the college or by campus or municipal police specifically address that college's problem? Does the curriculum contain valid information? Is the curriculum designed to focus on behavioral change? Has the program reduced the number of reported and unreported acquaintance rapes? Has the program been evaluated?
  • Are the right people attending the program?
  • Is the program timely enough to prevent most acquaintance rapes? Is the information provided sufficient to stop the different types of acquaintance rape from occurring?

2006 People of Color Legal Scholarship Conferences

April 6-9:  Southeast/Southwest POC Conference, Sante Fe, New Mexico. Theme:  "Coalition Building Among People of Color in a Post 'Integration' World" (Vernellia Randall will speak on “Securing the Future: Fighting Discrimination in Law School Admissions” at the opening reception).  For more information click here.  

May 31-June 3:  Midwestern POC Conference, Tucson, ArizonaTheme:  "Rejuvenation, Spirituality and Professional Transitions," (sessions will focus on the special challenges professors of color confront in seeking the proper balance among various teaching, research, and service missions).  For more information contact Neil Williams at nwillia@luc.edu.


 July 6-8:  Northeast POC Conference, Nassau, Bahamas.   Theme:  “Trade & Legal Aid: Tools for Economic Development and Independence,” (sessions will explore the recurrent tensions between sovereignty and trade and economic development and the challenge of delivering legal services to the poor and marginalized).  For more information click here.

 

March 30, 2006

The Other Imperial Scholar

A colleague asked a probing question during a session on women in the academy at a conference in Durban, South Africa this past December. After listening to panelists lament the unequal and often marginalized status of females in the legal academy, the colleague recalled that a female had chaired the hiring committee at his school one year, but that the committee had failed to bring in or hire any women. Believing that this was not atypical, his question was simply this: why aren’t females stronger proponents of other females?

I immediately translated his observations into a more personally relevant context–race. Last year, the hiring committee at my home institution was staffed by a majority of faculty of color and self-identified white progressives but failed to grant callback interviews to any blacks or Latinos. This year, the committee was chaired by a black but failed to net a single minority hire. These outcomes have led me to openly question why minority professors vociferously support white candidates in the face of zero net minority hiring. But my larger question reaches a more systemic core: in a profession in which so many scholars of color earn a living as proponents of transformative change for minorities in society at large, why are the ideologies we propagate not practiced more actively within our own professional environs?

Professor Richard Delgado has legitimately challenged the commandeering of civil rights scholarship by white professors. This arrogation continues today, as evidenced, for instance, by a recent symposium panel on minority representation appearing in the University of Pennsylvania Law Review that featured not a single black scholar. However, no less troubling is the sanctimony of minority scholars who write in radical terms about the need for social change for people of color but who practice a homogenized brand of politics within their own institutions that makes them appear not one shade different from the white liberals we accuse of scholarly imperialism.

I am sure there are non-inculpatory explanations for the hiring outcomes witnessed by my colleague and me. But what would the Critical Race analysis be? We would eschew a discussion of intent and look to disparate impact. We cannot advocate this standard of fault for employer and governmental conduct while excusing ourselves from it.

I suspect if more of us were practicing the ideologies that we have been attempting to export, the rate of tenure and promotion for minority professors would not, as a recent American Association of Law Schools report reveals, be significantly lower. I suspect that we would not have been blind sided by the bleaching of the law school classroom facilitated by the over-reliance on the LSAT. We also would not continue to hear with undiminished force many of the same complaints by minority law professors that were first documented in the Bell-Delgado survey more than fifteen years ago. Finally, I would assume that hiring outcomes like the ones discussed above would be shocking and rare. By whatever name we call our collective scholarship–Critical Race Theory, Critical Legal Studies, etc.–if it cannot transform the supposed sinecures of free speech in which we work, then we should not expect it to impact the outside world either.

I do not mean to suggest that institutional racism in the legal academy is not formidable, or that its perpetuation should be blamed on its principal victims. But minority law professors, as lawyers and as academics, possess skills, rights and resources that the average minority professional lacks. Many of us have been silenced, however, and it is to this acquiescence by those who should act as the voices of resistance that I will turn in the coming days.

March 27, 2006

One Response to the Attack on Diversity in Law School Hiring

Michael LivingstonOn Tuesday, March 21, Rutgers-Camden Law School tax professor Michael Livingston posted "Diversity," the ABA, and the law schools on his blog criticizing diversity within the faculty hiring process.  Livingston asserted that diversity as a component of hiring leads to appointments who are not perceived as the best candidates, a lowering of law school standards, and an adverse effect on civility and free speech at law schools.  Livingston refers to his “own school” to make his points.  The post was picked up by several conservative law blogs, including the Volokh Conspiracy and the Right Coast
Soon after the post, another Rutgers-Camden law professor, Dr. Imani Perry, sent an email to Professor Livingston.  Professor Perry, an African-American woman, has a B.A. from Yale College with a double major in Literature and American Studies, a Ph.D. from Harvard Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in American Civilization, and a J.D. from Harvard Law School.  Since joining the faculty at Rutgers-Camden in 2002, Professor Perry has written numerous articles and has authored a book published by Duke University Press. 

Professor Perry’s email to Professor Livingston is below.

Dear Michael,

I read your post. You didn’t seem to have much to say about the ABA diversity issue, but to concentrate much more attention on critiquing the process and Imani Perryconsequences of hiring me, Kim, Damon and the Judge.  And I see what you’re saying, my ten publications, coming back to work five weeks after giving birth (by c-section) and three advanced degrees are all certainly signs to our community and the world at large of Rutgers’ lowered standards. And the illustrious backgrounds, high level of scholarship, and exemplary faculty citizenship of our aforementioned colleagues raise serious questions about the legitimacy of their candidacies as well. I know, you said, the issue is not whether we are actually “good enough” but rather that the school would/could have done so much better if it had sought "the best" instead of "the black."   Shame on the institution for including racial diversity in its vision of excellence! (Is my facetiousness clear enough?) Incidentally, are  you confident that you were objectively the “best” that Rutgers could have hired during your year on the market, or that unconscious racial and gender preferences didn’t play a role in your candidacy? I doubt that you or anyone else in your position can be.
 
Oh, and I’ll be sure to tell my grandmother that you’ve likened the decision to hire me to the actions of those exploitative hateful and violent men who terrorized her as a poor black woman in Alabama.

sincerely,

Imani

February 16, 2006

The Latest Salvo from the Anti-Affirmative Action Crowd

For those that missed it, Professor David Berstein offered up a rather scathing assessment of the recent vote by the ABA’s Council of the Section on Legal Education and Admissions to the Bar to adopt Standard 211, which is designed to promote “Equal Opportunity and Diversity” in law school admissions and faculty hiring.  His op-ed piece, which I believe first appeared in last Saturday’s Wall Street Journal, is now available online.

My colleague at Wash U, Kim Norwood, recently asked what I thought about Bernstein’s piece.  My armchair assessment: Bernstein’s op-ed is really just a sour-grapes piece.  His interpretation of the ABA Council’s actions is a bit of a distortion, although I do think that his reading of the Supreme Court’s decision in Grutter is essentially correct.  At bottom, however, I think Berstein is just plain wrong when he suggests that the ABA is encouraging “lawlessness” by “demand[ing] explicit race preferences and implicit racial quotas.”  Nothing could be further from the truth.  Instead, the ABA is simply reminding schools that the use of race preferences is indeed constitutional, in limited circumstances, and schools should feel free to exercise that option as they see fit.

But there has been one important change worth noting.  The new standard effectively establishes a baseline presumption that all schools will make diversity and equal opportunity part of their educational mission.  That said, there remains enough wiggle room in the standard for a school to adopt a posture that places minimal emphasis on diversity and equal opportunity.  Of course, should a school choose to do so, I take it that the school must now EXPLAIN why diversity and equal opportunity are not important to its educational mission.

It seems to me that this is what is most upsetting to Bernstein – putting law schools that choose this latter course in the position of having to explain publicly why they elect to minimize diversity and equal opportunity in admissions and hiring.  Granted, this is difficult (and costly) normative territory for any modern educational institution to stake out.  But asking a law school to articulate and stand behind its normative commitments regarding race preferences – one way or the other – strikes me as a good thing to do.

January 07, 2006

AALS Annual Meeting

This weekend the Annual Meeting for the American Association of Law Schools was held in Washington, D.C.  It was originally scheduled for New Orleans, but Katrina put an end to that.  For those outside of the legal academy, the event is the primary annual gathering of American law professors, and there are several panels, meals, and receptions.  It was good to catch up with old friends, and I was glad to see that Stacy Leeds (left) of Kansas was recognized with the AALS Minority Section's Clyde Ferguson Award and Angela Onwuachi-Willig (right) of U.C. Davis received the Derrick Bell Award.  Both are accomplished scholars and gave inspirational remarks in accepting their awards.

Prof. Stacy Leeds Prof. Angela I. Onwuachi-Willig

Continue reading "AALS Annual Meeting" »

October 09, 2005

Does Affirmative Action Hurt Blacks and Latinos?

William Kidder recently wrote the policy brief, “Does Affirmative Action Really Hurt Blacks and Latinos in U.S. Law Schools?” for the Tomás Rivera Policy Institute.  Kidder’s piece rebuts UCLA Law Professor Richard Sander’s claims about affirmative action in the Stanford Law Review.  Sander argues that there would be a 7.9% net increase in African-American lawyers if affirmative action ended, and Kidder responds that Sander’s empirical analysis is flawed and that the end of affirmative action would mean a 30-40% decrease in the percentage of black lawyers.  Kidder’s piece also situates Latinos in the analysis (Sander focused almost exclusively on African Americans). 

October 02, 2005

Law School Diversity (Part V)

For those of you who do not have time to weigh through all the data and/or read the reports, the following excerpt from the AALS Committee on the Recruitment and Retention of Minority Law teachers provides some sense as what I was thinking about when I made my initial post.  Perhaps the most striking statistic is that Latino law professors hired in 1996 had a zero percent tenure rate:

Continue reading "Law School Diversity (Part V)" »

September 30, 2005

Law School Diversity (Part IV: The Data)

Last week I made the suggestion that there is a downward trend in the tenure rate for people of color. I received several comments, some of which (1) requested the data upon which my claim was based, (2) raised questions about what we might do to intervene, and (3) queried about the category "people of color." I will engage the comment I received pertaining to the category "people of color" more substantively in another post. What I should like to say here, though, is that I do think that conflating identities under the rubric "people of color" for the purpose of discussing (among other issues) the issue of race and tenure often obscures important differences. I leave you with data. You can find Rick White's Report on this topic at http://www.aals.org/2005recruitmentreport.pdf and the Committee on Recruitment and Retention of Minority Law Teachers Commentary at http://www.aals.org/racialgap.html.  I look forward to your thoughts and comments.

 

September 23, 2005

Law School Diversity (Part III)

Roger Fairfax brought to my attention that an anonymous person wrote the following comment to a post at the prawfsblawg site:

“Given that minorities are getting tenure-track positions at top-five law schools with resumes that would prevent a white male from getting a job at a top-fifty law school, it seems to me that the credentialism isn't a factor in any lack of racial diversity.”

To read more, click here and scroll down to the first comment.

September 22, 2005

Law School Diversity (Part II)

Several comments helpfully suggest that I provide a more specific indication of the data upon which I claim that there is downward trend in the number of people of color being tenured at American law schools. I will do and post it to this blog.

Law School Diversity (and the top ten changes in legal education)

In the most recent issue of aalsnews (the news letter of the Association of American Law Schools (AALS)), the current president of the AALS, Bill Hines (the former Dean of the University of Iowa College of Law), articulates what he perceives to be the ten major changes in legal education over the past 25 years. According to Hines, his "enumeration of major changes is not exactly a David Letterman Top Ten recital, but it does lean in that direction." His list is as follows:

10. Effects of U.S. News Rankings
9. Emphasis on Professional Ethics and Responsibility
8. Ramification of the Rising Cost of a Legal Education
7. Financial Reliance on External Constituencies
6. Professionalization of Legal Research and Writing Instruction
5. Growth in Interdisciplinary Teaching and Research
4. Increased Attention to Professional Skills
3. The Revolution in Digital Technology
2. Continued Diversification of the Law School Community
1. Globalization of Law and Legal Practice

Only items 10 through 6 are discussed in the current issue; items 5 through 1 will be taken up in the November volume of aalsnews. I am eager to see how Hines will engage the question of diversity--and not only with respect to students but with respect to faculty as well. The annual AALS recruitment conference is just around the corner and, with respect to black people, there is reason to be concerned about the size of pool, the extent to which people in the pool will get jobs, and the number of those who will get tenure and remain in teaching. The last data I looked at suggested that we are experiencing a downward trend with respect to the number of people of color being tenured at American law schools. What is the cause of this trend and how are we going to fix it? Is there something specific the AALS can do to intervene? Does this downward trend reflect a failure on the part of the minority group section of the AALS?

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